They are still waiting for the news that Karzai and Ghani will officially join the Taliban and they will be able to return to Kabul.

Author: Rustam Rushangar, analyst, especially for "Sangar"

In 2001, the foundation of the new system was laid based on ethnic involvement. Foreigners realized that the roots of the war were ethnic and that the solution lies in ensuring ethnic involvement.

However, the Pashtuns were not satisfied with this. Karzai disagreed—that is, he did not believe in it. But the Pashtuns and Karzai were in a weak position and could not play the first violin. They verbally acknowledged ethnic participation but felt hostility towards it. They began to undermine it. But they acted so that foreigners, allies, and ethnic partners in the government could not know their true intentions. Hence, the idea of the "Mukhkash plan."

Explanation: Sabahuddin Mukhkash (pictured above) was an employee of President Ghani's administration. The court sentenced him to prison during Ghani's rule.

Mukhkash was only an employee of Ghani's administration, but he understood the depth of Karzai's thoughts and his followers and put it in the form of a plan. He planned to find non-Pashtuns to participate in the government, who were Tajiks, Hazaras, and Uzbeks, but were not truly loyal and committed to the interests of their people. People who were ready to tolerate any injustice against their people to retain their post. Find the so-called mankurts, the obedient, and the traitors. This was aimed at deceiving the people and the international community.

Since then, the search for obedient people has begun among non-Pashtun ethnic groups, especially Tajiks. They found them and appointed them as ministers, deputy ministers, ambassadors, governors, and members of parliament. They subtly and cleverly found among the Tajiks those who, despite the lack of ethnic self-awareness and commitment to their people, were in one way or another opposed to the ruling political movement at that time, formed in the past under the leadership of Ahmadshah Massoud. That is, a Tajik who is indifferent to the fate of his people and has no historical-national self-awareness and identity, can also find reasons to oppose Massoud, the resistance, and the struggle.

Unity was formed among the Tajiks during the period of resistance. At this stage, Tajik jihadists, communists, democrats, etc. gathered in one axis. But with the collapse of the leadership, those who did not have a base in the resistance i.e. were not Masoudists and at one time gathered around the axis of Massoud from other political camps, began to split and no longer considered themselves obliged to maintain unity. They were suitable for the Pashtuns because they could be used very well. Moreover, the resistance movements and core did not treat them very well. For example, they were told that Fahim, Zia Masud, Qanuni, Bismillah, etc. would not accept them.

In short, in the process of searching for Tajik mankurts and traitors, internal Tajik disagreements were also exacerbated. People who were given positions and are still present on the political scene were identified. They are not real Tajiks, Masudists, resistance fighters, and committed to values. They were slaves of chairs. They were jackals and hyenas, on whom nothing depended. They became victims of Pashtunism and were grateful to Karzai, who gave them chairs, although they had neither talent nor ability. These are those from the generation of political prostitutes.

Interestingly, they were told that the condition for giving them a position was the cessation of all interest in their ethnic and political identity. It is the same as telling a Muslim to leave his religion, and in return, we will make you a minister. These traitors lived in abundance and luxury for twenty years.

Ghani, who came to power, put this generation to the test again. They were asked to bow down again and publicly show that they did not belong to their nation and were ready to prove their slavery to fascism with hundreds of documents and evidence.

Until now, this generation and their descendants avoid any discussions and discourses on issues of ethnicity and identity, and, interestingly, they call the forces committed to ethnic interests fanatical nationalists, and themselves patriots. They are still waiting for news of when Karzai and Ghani will officially join the Taliban so that fate will smile on them once again and they will return to their posts.


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